There is poem by Constantine Kavafy called "Waiting for the Barbarians" that describes the city of Rome waiting for the imminent arrival of the barbarians—their arrival that very day. The citizens gather in the forum to do nothing but wait. The senators do not legislate, he emperor sits enthroned at the city gate, the orators don’t make speeches, and high officials don their finest regalia, dressing to impress. They’re all waiting, but the barbarians never arrive.
By evening, the city’s citizens are bewildered and confused. The forum empties, and the people shuffle home, anxious and lost in thought. Why? “Because night has fallen and the barbarians haven’t come. And some people have arrived from the borderlands, and said there are no barbarians anymore.” “And now what’s to become of us without barbarians,” they wonder, because “Those people were a solution of a sort.”
The barbarians in Kavafy’s canny poem are imaginary beings, mere ghosts of past threats. But, in the real world, real people are often placed in the barbarian role. They are outsiders, aliens, “them” rather than “us.” They are dangerous people, or less-than-people, and we—whomever “we” happen to be—must protect ourselves and our loved ones from them, by controlling, incarcerating, or exterminating them.
Jews have long been treated as a “solution of a sort” for the problems afflicting European civilization. When collective misfortune struck, the problem of explaining what brought it about could be solved by citing the Jews as its architects. When bubonic plague raged across Europe, Christians looked for an explanation for why this terrible disease was unleashed upon their world, and hit upon the solution that Jews had poisoned the water supplies in a plot to destroy Christendom.
The fantasy that Jews were behind the bubonic plague was an early version of the theory that Jews are an immensely powerful group who secretly pull the strings behind world events to their own advantage and to the detriment of others. Combined with other medieval anti-Semitic lore, such as the notion that Jews use magical means to get their way, that they are abductors and murderers of Christian children, whose blood they consume and that profaners of the body of Christ, the notion of a malevolent Jewish conspiracy became entrenched in the darkest regions of the collective European psyche, appearing again and again in new variants as the centuries rolled on, most notoriously in the infamous Protocols of the Elders of Zion. How was it possible that Germany found itself on the losing side in World War One? It was the treachery of Jews who stabbed the Fatherland in the back. And the Great Depression? A plot by greedy Jewish financiers.
I emphasize Jews because, historically, they have long been the paradigmatic European barbarian-as-solution. But they are far from being the only one. In recent centuries people of African descent have occupied that role. Pictured as more bestial than human, they are imagined superpredators, devoid of reason and seething with lust and violence. Trumpian rhetoric about rapists and murderers cast Mexican immigrants (and non-White immigrants generally) in the barbarian role, and of course there are the Muslim terrorists bent on our annihilation. And most recently, Haitian migrants in Springfield, Ohio, have been kitted out in threadbare barbarian garb.
In all of these cases, demonizing a group of people has been expedient for those seeking to garner or sustain political support by sowing fear and distrust. And now, in the United States it is the democratic elite, who, like swindling Jews, stole the election from Donald Trump, and the imagined critical race theorists who are corrupting the minds of innocent children.
I have spent the last twenty years studying the most extreme form of this sort of othering: the phenomenon of dehumanization, which occurs when a group of people conceives of others not merely as their enemies, but as subhuman creatures. I have written three books on this subject, so I think I know what I’m talking about.
What becomes dehumanization is not dehumanization at its inception. It is the culmination of a process in which some group of people is singled out and denigrated as degenerate, criminal, destructive. Then, when a skillful propagandists comes forward to focus and exacerbate these sentiments, presenting themselves as the savior of the people, it is like a match to dry kindling, creating a conflagration of violence cloaked in the garb of righteous indignation.
My research into dehumanizing ideologies and their precursors leaves me in little doubt that we Americans are in a precarious position these days. It is not just the high level of political polarization that is so frequently remarked upon. That is nothing new. Our nation has been polarized from its inception. Something more ominous and irrational is at play. If this sounds alarmist, bear in mind that even the most dangerous movements have small beginnings, and are often not taken seriously until they have gathered enough force and momentum, and then it is too late. When the elderly Sigmund Freud learned that his books were consigned to the flames in the German book burnings of 1933, he quipped "In the Middle Ages they would have burned me, now they are satisfied with burning my books." Little did he know that five short years later he would be a refugee from Nazi terror, living out the final year of his life in London, and that three of his sisters would burn in the infernal ovens of Treblinka, and the fourth would die of starvation in Theresienstadt.
Of course, books are not being burned in today’s America. We have not reached that extremity. But books are being banned, as conservative lawmakers and activists seek to purge school libraries of what they deem to be offensive content. The longing to return to a fantasized glorious past that never really existed, and the anticipation of the rebirth of a purified nation—a nostalgia that has presaged nearly every authoritarian regime for the past century—is palpable in much of rhetoric that we have heard in the wake of the Trump presidency.
Perhaps my worries are unfounded, and my vision of our current political situation is clouded by my absorption in the horrors of the past. Perhaps this time of madness will soon pass, and everything will be alright. But if history has anything to teach us, it is that we should not pin our hopes on empty optimism, and close our eyes to what bears all the earmarks of a gathering storm.
👏this was so thought provoking thank-you
Dear David,
Thanks for this. My worries and my assessment travel along similar lines. If you will indulge my mentioning my own work, one example of ongoing American dehumanization centers on our law, policy, and conduct towards the peoples of the Native Nations as the arguments that led to the Trail of Tears in the 1830s are still the foundation of grotesque oppression and exploitation to this day.
“All Christendom seems to have imagined that, by offering that immortal life, promised by the Prince of Peace to fallen man, to the aborigines of this country, the right was fairly acquired of disposing of their persons and their property at pleasure.” So claimed Georgia Senator John Forsyth in 1830. To this advocacy of what became the Trail of Tears, Rhode Island Senator Asher Robbins replied: “does our civilization give us a title to his right? A right which he inherits equally with us, from the gift of nature and of nature’s God. The Indian is a man, and has all the rights of man. The same God who made us made him, and endowed him with the same rights; for ‘of one blood hath he made all the men who dwell upon the earth.’”
Faced with a choice between these two positions, in Cherokee Nation v. Georgia in early 1831, Supreme Court Chief Justice John Marshall wrote a majority opinion (there was a powerful dissent) in which Marshall knowingly and dishonestly refused to challenge the position of the majority of the Congress—Forsyth’s position—as a violation of constitutional law. Refusing to recognize the Cherokee Nation’s rights under its treaties—rights that according to the Constitution are part of the supreme law of the land—Marshall boldly lied: “If it be true that the Cherokee Nation have rights, this is not the tribunal in which those rights are to be asserted. If it be true that wrongs have been inflicted, and that still greater are to be apprehended, this is not the tribunal which can redress the past or prevent the future.”
That is how the genocide of the 1830s—as well as subsequent genocides and land thefts—were allowed to proceed. That is how they were made “legal” by the Supreme Court in spite of the fact that, according to Article III, Section 2, of the Constitution, the Cherokee Nation—even if it were somehow, as Marshall falsely claimed, “domestic” and “dependent”—still had a right to bring an action under the Supreme Court’s original jurisdiction in “all cases” arising under a treaty in which a state of the Union is a party to the case.
We cannot change a past in which President Andrew Jackson was specifically warned by his secretary of war, Lewis Cass, in September of 1831, that without adequate preparations “great sufferings must be encountered upon the journey, and many will doubtless perish.” Within a matter of months one in five members of the Choctaw Nation were dead. And the killing, for that is what it was, went on for many years as nation after nation was driven west and away from their ancestral lands. But we can and must repudiate and overturn the body of “law” that allowed these crimes and that oppresses and exploits the peoples of the Native Nations to this day by building on this and other poisonous precedents—especially the false claim of a “right” to dominate the Native Nations and their lands and to unilaterally ignore or override treaty obligations to them on the basis of a “plenary power” or “ultimate dominion” that simply does not exist in either the individual states or the United States according to constitutional law (properly construed).
Arguments over Genocide—now available in paperback—is a history of the fight against Cherokee Removal in the nineteenth century. It also addresses some of the ways the arguments of the advocates and appeasers of that genocide continue to determine American law, policy, and conduct to this day. It is about the ways knowledge of the arguments of the opponents of that genocide, and of the framers of the Constitution, might be revived to transform American relationships with the peoples of the Native Nations and perhaps to transform the American people as well.
We as a people have at least some sense of our historic wrongdoing towards the Native Nations—a sense that spans most of our political spectrum and combines with a tangible feeling of sympathy for the cause of bringing an end to the systematic injustice with which the United States has treated these peoples. What might we become as a people if we were to truly care for the larger whole that embraces all life beginning by caring for justice for the Native Nations by listening to them as to what they most want.
The arguments advanced by men guilty of horrific evil—the arguments advanced by the advocates of genocide and their appeasers—triumphed in the 1830s and have never since lost the ascendency. These historic arguments for genocide—or for a “sovereignty” over others that carries a “right” to commit genocide—support present-day assertions of U.S. domination in the structure of what the American Bar Association calls “federal Indian law.” The arguments of the opponents of the genocide of the 1830s, meanwhile, have largely been forgotten, at least among non-Native people. These arguments center on the proposition that Native Nations are independent foreign states, as the Cherokee Nation told the Supreme Court in 1831, “not owing allegiance to the United States, nor to any state of this union, nor to any other prince, potentate, or state, other than their own.” This is a truth that the advocates of genocide and their appeasers—then and now—have united in denying.
As George Manuel, chief of the National Indian Brotherhood (known today as the Assembly of First Nations), has written: “Perhaps when men no longer try to have ‘dominion over the fish of the sea, and over the fowl of the air, and over every living thing that liveth upon the earth,’ they will no longer try to have dominion over us. It will be much easier to be our brother’s keeper then.”
If you click here:
https://ethicspress.com/products/arguments-over-genocide/?GENOCIDE
it will take you to the publisher’s webpage where you can read some blurbs and, if so inclined, purchase the book, with 40% off the hardback price, and 20% off the paperback, simply by using that link (you can click the small arrow next to “binding” to access the paperback).
There is also a free essay available here:
https://dissidentvoice.org/2024/03/reimagining-nationalism-and-democracy-with-the-view-from-the-shore/
All the Best,
Steve Schwartzberg